Dissimulation wrote:GE Morton wrote:
(Nested quote removed.)
Of course. Hence we should ban all industries. Correct?
Of course there will be less than scrupulous prostitutes and prostitution businesses. You deal with them as they appear, just as with all other industries, via regulation or civil process.
I stated nothing regarding banning all industry. Laws are preventative as well as reactionary, dealing with them as they appear is ethically irresponsible and fails a vital function of the law.
No, you didn't. But but it's implied by the reasoning you're offering. You're arguing that if an industry has a potential to cause harm, it should be banned. You also state that "all industries . . . have the potential to cause harm." Hence if, an industry has the potential to cause harm --- and you say all do --- then it follows that all of them should be banned.
We could go further --- every person has the potential to commit a crime. Hence everyone should be locked up. It would "irresponsible" to permit all those potential criminals to run loose.
I'm sure you'll agree there is something wrong with that reasoning. I'll give you a hint: We don't punish "potential" criminals, only actual ones, and we don't try to prevent crime by denying everyone any opportunity to commit it.
Can you cite some hypothetical examples? I must advise, however, that I have no idea what would count as a "harm to society." Societies are not moral agents and cannot per se suffer harms. Only the individuals who constitute them can suffer harms. So unless you can identify some actual, individual victims, the claim that harms will result to "society" is meaningless.
Perhaps you missed the line of reasoning that addresses your critique. Law is a social construct that enforces a mandate of behavior for its members to function in a society. The implications of your statement limit what harm is or ignore 'harm' that is relevant to society. Prisons are a social institution used as a punishment for individuals who compromise the functioning of a society.
Well, you either missed or ignored the point. Any proposition which imputes human attributes to society must be reducible to propositions about particular persons within that society or it is meaningless, having no cognitive content. Consider the society consisting of Tom, Dick, and Harry. If you say that "society has an interest in X," or "X is beneficial (or harmful) to society," or "X is a social goal," etc., etc., X must the goal, beneficial, harmful, etc., to at least one of Tom, Dick or Harry. If your statement cannot be transformed into statements about Tom, Dick,or Harry, it is meaningless. If it can be transformed, but X is not a goal or interest of either Tom, Dick, or Harry, it is false. If X is a goal or interest of at least one of them then it is true, but it is only true of those particular persons, not of "society as a whole."
There is a ubiquitous but badly misguided tendency to personify societies (or other human groups) as sentient creatures and moral agents in their own right, ontologically distinct from their members, which have goals and interests distinct from those of any of their members and which can suffer benefits and harms distinct from those accruing to any member. That is an ontological mistake.
Societies and other groups have no properties, except statistical ones, other than those attaching to their members.
What harms? You're not counting as "harms" merely departures from someone's concept of Utopia, are you?
If I were I would have stated that. however your question is non-nonsensical. From someones 'Utopia' is a meaningless question given that 'someones utopia' is undefined and comprised of unknown variables. Its quite clear given the context of the argument asked that I was referencing a common understanding of 'harm', however you can refer to Freud ' civilization and its discontents', the pleasure principle and harm as he defines it (to both the individual and society). Ironically through your assumption your guilty of the irrationality your accusing me of.
Well, Dis, I'm afraid there is no "common understanding of harm." What there is, is a common, but false, assumption that the phrase "harm to society" has some concrete meaning. But when pursued, it always turns out that a "harm to society" is anything that offends some particular person's conception of Utopia. The distinction you're trying to draw in the last sentence, "both to the individual and society" is vacuous. There are, and can be, no "harms to society" that are not harms to individuals.
The psychological effect upon whom? The prostitute? Her customers? The "public" (i.e., third-party observers)? To what extent are you prepared to grant the State the power to restrict human liberties in order to spare someone the psychological effects of various choices someone might make? Abortion has a psychological effect upon ardent pro-lifers. Others eating meat has a psychological effect upon ardent animal-rights advocates.
Its clear that I am referencing illegal acts. My argument says nothing about liberty, referring to Mills has no relevance to anything stated. Again your falsely presenting my statement. Last I checked eating habits are not restricted by the law or mentioned in my statement.
Oh, but it does say something about liberty. Any time you propose a restriction on human conduct you're saying something about liberty. Some restrictions on liberty are justifiable, of course --- those which forbid violations of others' rights. But no others that I know of, and certainly none whose aim is furtherance of some nebulous, incoherent "good of society."
Your argument above --- "I am referencing illegal acts" --- is circular, BTW. The question here is, What justifies making some conduct (e.g., prostitution) illegal? You can't cite adverse "psychological effects" as justifying the ban, and then try to restrict the argument only to effects of illegal acts. That is circular.
As for murder, assault, rape, etc., those are, again, associated with illegal prostitution.
Yes they are. Your point ?[
I should think that obvious, especially since it was addressed earlier in the thread. When an activity is forbidden by law there is no legal protection for those engaged in it. Hence the assumption that the undesirable consequences of illegal prostitution would continue if it were legal is unwarranted.
No one has any duty to "rehabilitate" or "treat" drug abusers (or criminals). That is a fools' errand (one among many) that many contemporary governments have taken on, in response to political pressures from "progressive" dogmatists. Drug users and criminals, like everyone else, are responsible for their own choices and the consequences thereof. No one else is.
I never made reference to duty, however drug abuse ( refer to any statistical study) causes undeniable harm.
You've evaded the question. Harm
to whom other than the user himself? "Harms to society" is not an answer, for the reasons mentioned. And of course, as with prostitution, one cannot cite harms to others that occur only because the drugs are illegal.
The initial question is about a social institution not a moral consideration . 'Morally speaking' is not an argument nor does it support or serve to discredit what I stated. You fail to explain why it is morally inapplicable.
Hmmm. Are you suggesting that social institutions need not be constrained by moral considerations? I think you'll find that a pretty difficult position to defend. Any institution you erect will be aimed at some goal, and questions immediately arise: Whose goal? What justiifes that goal, and what duty does anyone have to pursue it? Moral questions all. When erecting any institution those questions are always answered, either explicitly and rationally or tacitly and presumptively (and probably speciously).
As a member of a society a priori duty does exist, it is the foundation of civilization.
Duties are moral obligations. Hence if you allege that someone has a duty you are obliged to present a moral theory from which this duty can be derived. The duty in question here is the alleged duty to provide goods and services for others. I'd love to see the theory from which this duty is derived. I'd also love to see arguments and evidence that this duty is the "foundation of civilization." That would be quite interesting, given that few people in any civilized society recognize or honor such a duty.
Its a passive contract, as a recognized member of society you are obligated to adhere to its mandates . . . The social contract that you disagree with is the same contract that enables the liberty you espouse. If you dont understand 'passive' social contract a lot of literature is available.
Sorry, but no liberty I've experienced derives from any contract, particularly not a hypothetical, imaginary one. A
contract is a concrete, explicit agreement between two or more agents, whose terms are objectively ascertainable. A "contract" the parties to which and the terms of which are unspecified is not a contract at all, of any kind. There is no such thing as a "passive contract," i.e., one to which one becomes a party by edict or accident.
The "social contract" in political philosophy is an explanatory construct, useful for presenting a political thesis. No philosopher who used that device imagined that such a "contract" actually exists, or binds anyone.